Classification of the Tea Party Movement Essay Example for Free

Classification of the Tea Party Movement Essay The Tea Party movement appears to be a rather unique entity. There is much confusion as to the exact classification of the Tea Party movement. Are they a political party, an interest group, or a social movement? Even after countless internet searches a definitive answer was seemingly nowhere to be found. There are three possible classifications of the Tea Party movement that will be explored. As well as information on which of the three systems would be the more effective route for the movement to take and why that route would be the most effective. This should paint a clearer picture of the Tea Party movement and their actual classification. The first look will be at whether or not the Tea Party is a political party, an interest group, or a social movement. And then at what would have been the more effective approach and why that approach would have been more effective. The hope is that by the end of this, the reader will have a better idea of the Tea Party movement’s position as a social movement and why a becoming a separate political party would have been their most effective approach. Is the Tea Party movement a political party, an interest group, or a social movement? Power and Choice: An Introduction to Political Science defines a political party as â€Å"a group of officials or would be officials who are linked with a sizable group of citizens into an organization. A chief objective of this organization is to ensure that its officials attain power and are maintained in power† (Shively, 2012, p. 251). The Tea Party movement clearly has a group of officials that they wanted to place into power. However, with no centralized leadership and little to no attempt to separate from the Republican Party one would be hard-pressed to argue them as a political party. Also, Ron Paul, who is often referred to as the godfather of the Tea Party movement, is currently running for the republican nomination. The republican candidates are frequently campaigning for the votes of the Tea Party voters. Along with, seemingly every news outlet constantly mentioning how the republ icans are fighting for the Tea Party vote the line between the two parties continue to blur. A Washington Post article states, â€Å"at a 2012 presidential forum in New Orleans in June, (Michelle) Bachmann estimated that the tea party consists of 60 percent republicans, 20 percent independents and 20 percent democrats† (Blake, Aaron â€Å"Tea party democrats do exist.† Washington Post. July 6, 2011. Web. March 7, 2012). This tells me that the Tea Party movement is a branch of the Republican Party that has differing views on some major issues, but still identifies themselves as republicans. Therefore, no, by this evidence the Tea Party movement is not a political party. The Tea Party movement, however, also is not an interest group. According to Power and Choice: An Introduction to Political Science an interest group is an â€Å"organized group of citizens that has one of its goals ensuring that the state follows certain policies† (Shively, 2012, p. 251). Historically groups such as Greenpeace, the National Rifle Association and the Air Force Sergeants As sociation have been classified as interest or â€Å"pressure† groups. These groups use their organization as a means to represent public opinion to government officials. Looking at the definition of interest group one could possibly deduce that the Tea Party movement must be an interest group. Do they want to ensure that the state follows certain policies? Yes. They demand lower taxes, call for the elimination of deficit spending, and insist the government abides by the Constitution and the institution of fiscally conservative policies to eliminate the national debt. Just like with the democratic and republican political parties, the Tea Party movement shares some similarities with interest groups. One could easily consider the Tea Party movement an interest group. Especially if they have read the Encyclopedia definition of interest group, â€Å"also called special interest group or pressure group, any association of individuals or organizations, usually formally organized, that, on the basis of one or more shared concerns, attempts to influence publi c policy in its favor. All interest groups share a desire to affect government policy to benefit themselves or their causes. Their goal could be a policy that exclusively benefits group members or one segment of society (e.g., government subsidies for farmers) or a policy that advances a broader public purpose (e.g., improving air quality). They attempt to achieve their goals by lobbying† (interest group (2012) In Encyclopedia Britannica Retrieved from http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/290136/interest-group). After reading that definition it seems that the Tea Party movement is an interest group, they do fit the definition extremely well. However, there is one other option. The last possible classification to be explored is the social movement. Does the Tea Party movement fit the mold of a social movement? A social movement is defined as â€Å"loosely organized but sustained campaigns in support of a social goal, typically either the implementation or the prevention of a change in society’s structure or values. Although social movements differ in size, they are all essentially collect ive. That is, they result from the more or less spontaneous coming together of people whose relationships are not defined by rules and procedures but who merely share a common outlook on society† social movement (social movement (2012) In Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved from http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/551335/social-movement). The Tea Party movement came to be in 2009 and 2010 with distrust in elected officials and wanting to remove them from power. They believe that the government has ignored the constitutional order of America (Shively, 2012, p. 309). To a person who is sparsely active in politics, the Tea Party movement may seem to be spontaneous and out of nowhere. But it could be easily argued that the political activist involved carried their feelings for many years prior to organizing the movement. But to an outsider they may have appeared to burst onto the scene. The Tea Party movement seems to be searching for a change in what they believe to be unconstitut ional actions of the United States government, as well as trying to prevent the invasion of constitutional rights. Earlier, it was stated how one could see classifying the Tea Party movement as an interest group. However, after further research they seem to fit the mold of a social movement slightly more. Since the Tea Party movement is a social movement and not an interest group or political party, it needs to be determined which one would have been the best course of action for the movement to take. The best move the Tea Party movement could make would be to become a separate political party. As a political party they would be able to run on a platform consisting completely of their own views. Why attempt to ride the coattails of the Republican Party? If the views differ enough to rally and callout the current elected officials, regardless of party, then new ones. The new party won’t have to worry about being held back by the differing views of the party of which they chose to attach themselves. If the numbers quoted earlier from Michelle Bachmann are correct (60 percent republicans, 20 percent independents and 20 percent democrats) they should have a rather good chance at winning some elections. Mike Gallagher, a Fox News Contributor, stated in a 2009 interview with Bill O’Reilly that, he’d â€Å"happily trade is republican card for a tea party card, if there was such a thing.† Now, obviously this doesn’t state how many hardline Tea Party voters there are, but it says that they appeal to some members of both major parties as well as the independents. Maybe running separately would give them a better chance of pulling more voters from the other parties and uniting their followers even more. After first comparing the Tea Party movement to interest groups, and then social movements and finally political parties, the evidence showed that they are more of a social movement than the other two. The Encyclopedia definition cited earlier was what led to this conclusion. Although it is strictly an opinion, the Tea Party movement would be better served as a political party. This is mainly because they could focus their time and efforts on a campaign consisting of their views. Would they get my vote? No. But at least they would be able to round up all of their supporters into one basket. Works Cited Encyclopedia Britannica. (2012). Retrieved March 19, 2102, from encyclopediabritannica.com: http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/551335/social-movement Encyclopedia Britannica. (2012). Retrieved March 19, 2012, from encyclopediabritannica.com: http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/290136/interest-group Shively, W. P. (2012). Power Choice: An Introduction to Political Science. New York, New York: McGraw-Hill.

Cut by sylvia Plath Essay -- essays research papers

â€Å"Cut† Sylvia Plath Persona In terms of content the persona in â€Å"Cut† is Sylvia Plath herself. Plath was one of the first American women writers to refuse to conceal her true emotions. In articulating her aggression, hostility and despair in her art, she effectively challenged the traditional literary prioritization of female experience. Plath has experienced much melancholy and depression in her life. Scenario The scenario of the poem starts off in a seemingly domestic scene, perhaps preparing for dinner and develops into this amazing association and blurring of the physical and emotional senses, where a great joy has been found in an ‘accident’. Plath dedicates â€Å"Cut† to her new au pair (nanny), Susan O’Neill Roe as a â€Å"welcome to the family† gesture. It is most likely the au pairs thumb, which has been cut however Plath refers to it as her own thumb as a sign of empathy/psychosis. In the poem, Plath describes the feelings and sensations of deliberate self mutilation and the emotional release it brings. The cutting of the thumb can be viewed in a Freudian manner in which the incident occurred accidentally â€Å"on purpose† a parapraxis, having the effect of building up tension. Context The context in which the poem is taking place is in England, isolated away from all her family and friends, during the 1950's where Plath was the victim of a male-orientated sexist society and her poetry a choreography of female wounds. Values portrayed through â€Å"Cut† are Plath’s life of hardships from separation, divorce and as a single mother and poet. Through the remarkable consistent images that all â€Å"flow† from her very ordinary â€Å"accident† it is evident that this poem showcases a history of bloodshed through war, death, injury and maiming in the Western world and Plath’s family history Story The story of â€Å"Cut† is a rapid succession/conglomeration off sensations and images of violence and bloodshed throught history and its emotional relief. Plath chooses to use an ongoing metaphor of a battle between two armies. She is possibly one soldier who has lost much, while fighting the depression battle. This poem demonstrates Plath’s disconnection from humanity as for example she disassociates the thumb as being part of the body. The fact that she relates her cut to onions, with cooking as a household duty displaying her discontentment with her role as a housewife and mot... ...rill-â€Å" creates a colloquial level of language, where in this case an exclamation mark could have been used. Sounds A variety of language devices are employed to create tone for the poem. Sounds such as assonance is used in the line â€Å"a flap like a hat† with an emphasis on ‘t’ and taken off on ‘a’ coupled with dental ‘t’ and plosive ‘p’ evoking and mirroring the on/off nature of a hat, in reference to the skin that has been cut on her thumb. Internal assonance and consonance appear and disappear with unpredictability. This demonstrates signs of Plath’s mental illness. Also there is assonance in â€Å"little pilgrim, the Indian’s axed your scalp† where the chopping sounds evoke the movement. In conclusion, there is more than one implication of the word alone â€Å"cut† [hurt,injured,rejected,excluded]these are to mean: physically injured, rejected or wounded by people, excluded by living on own and bleeding in all senses and self mutilation. In the poem â€Å"Cut† by Sylvia Plath there is more to the poem than moods and feelings through the use of context and technique. For instance images,sounds,tones,rhythm,rhyme and form which all add up to an effective poem with textual integrity.

Corporate Social Responsibility in South Africa and Ghana: a Comparison of Successes, Failures and Futures in a “Developed” and an “Undeveloped” African Country

Corporate Social Responsibility in South Africa and Ghana: a comparison of successes, failures and futures in a â€Å"developed† and an â€Å"undeveloped† African country Few industries affect the social, economic and environmental sectors to the extent that the mining industry does. As minerals development expanded, so the international awareness of its impacts grew. Mining-related legislation, both internationally and nationally, has evolved significantly in the past two decades, actively aimed at ensuring Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR), where companies are held accountable for their actions. In developing countries like South Africa and Ghana that are heavily dependent on gold trade and the associated international investment, the challenge is to ensure that environmental and social impacts of mining are mitigated, that non-renewable resources are converted into national wealth and that mining-generated revenue is claimed and disbursed. In this paper the evolution of CSR in South Africa, a more developed African Nation, and Ghana, a less developed African nation, are compared. Recommendations are made as to potential avenues for CSR progression. The objectives of international mining policy reform have changed dramatically in the past few decades. During the 1970s the aim of mining policy was to increase government control. During the 1980s the aims of reform became to increase investment and to mitigate the socio-economic impacts of mining. This was attempted through the Growth Employment and Reconstruction plan in SA (Fig, 2005), and the Economic Recovery Plan in Ghana (Hilson, 2002). Both plans advocated more privatization, trade liberalization and deregulation. Although the general international trend was to redefine the role of the state, particularly in industrial areas, the adoption of this ambition by African countries has proven detrimental. Biersteker (1990) argues that the reduction of the state greatly reduced its function to govern, particularly undercutting its regulatory ability, its function as a mediator in civil disputes and its ability to regulate and collaborate with the private sector. Campbell (2005) poses that this is because the legislative and regulatory reform adopted by many developing mining-dependent African countries during the past few decades has undermined the role of the state and has proved incompatible with the challenges of the countries concerned. This has impaired the ability of these governments to exert CSR pressure on mining companies. CSR in Africa has grown parallel to these changes in the role of the state, and international mining legislation has had varying impacts on SA and Ghanaian regulations. Despite being based on a non-renewable resource, the main theme in changing international legislation is that of sustainable development, particularly in developing countries in which a large percentage of mining is done by foreign companies. It is, however, the sovereign right of a state to exploit its natural resources. This sovereignty was vehemently upheld by post-colonial developing nations that rely on mineral resources, two prominent examples of which being SA and Ghana. It has become apparent, however, that mining has far-reaching impacts that often have transboundary degrading effects, resulting in international attempts at regulation. CSR in South Africa The formal terms of CSR in SA were originally raised in 1972 and the view taken by many businesses was that they should not have to take responsibility for Apartheid, but should rather improve social standards within their respective businesses. These concepts were formalized in the Sullivan Principles, which were aimed at entrenching non-discrimination in the workplace into the core business activities, particularly in SA-based US companies (Visser, 2005). Although other CSR groups formed, like the Consultative Business Movement, the move away from philanthropy only really became evident after the first democratic elections in 1994, and when the Black Economic Empowerment Programme (BEE) was introduced. The aim of BEE is to promote equal racial ownership, education, training and local economic development. In 2002 the goal for black ownership in the mining sector was set at 26% within 10 years (Fig, 2005). BEE was particularly important in the mining sector, as in order to obtain mining rights, businesses had to meet the requirements of a BEE ‘scorecard’. A number of principles have been introduced to target human rights, a major CSR concern in SA. These include Voluntary Principles on Human Rights and Security and the OECD Risk Awareness Tool for Multinational Enterprises in Weak Governance Zones (Hamann, 2009). Another important milestone was the Kings Report, released in 2002, which outlined the CSR requirements for companies, including â€Å"recogniz[ing] that stakeholders such as the community in which the company operates, its customers, its employees and its suppliers amongst others need to be considered when developing the strategy of a company† (Visser, 2005). It also requires that businesses report annually on their social, transformation (including BEE), ethical, safety, health and environmental management policies. A positive and innovative spinoff of the King’s Report was the introduction of a Kings Index on the Johannesburg Stock Exchange. Companies are required to meet the criteria of the King’s Report in order to list with the JSE, providing a fiscally competitive incentive to adopt CSR principles (Dale, 2005). This progressive legislation forms the beginnings of a seemingly sound CSR framework. But the SA government struggles to maintain the pressure needed to enforce all of its requirements. As in Ghana, SA’s dependence on the mining industry makes the government loathe to confront deviant companies for fear of disinvestment and job losses. Firms often run philanthropic programmes merely as an attempt to maintain â€Å"business as usual†, satisfying the bare minimum for CSR. The lack of government capacity is most prominent in environmental requirements. Many mining companies have introduced more stringent environmental management regulations and have increased CSR spending, but Fig (2005) shows that due to lack of governmental pressure and effective sustainable reporting, many of the claims of these companies do not match their actions. In recognition of its weaknesses, however, the SA government has adopted provision for voluntary conflict resolution within its environmental legislation (Fig, 2005). As an example of a developing country embracing CSR, SA has proven itself relatively forward-thinking and successful. SA is at the forefront of CSR legislation in Africa. It is in the inability to enforce these laws that the clearest CSR similarities, and failures, with Ghana, a less developed African nation, can be seen. CSR in Ghana For the past 1000 years Ghana has enjoyed a thriving gold trade. However, due to political turmoil and changing mining and economic policy, by the beginning of the 1980s the gold-mining industry was virtually stagnant, and became the focal point in the country’s Economic Recovery Programme in 1983 (Campbell, 2005). Ghana also received assistance from the World Bank, the conditions of which resulted in the elimination of most barriers to entry for foreign investors, including reducing corporate taxes, royalty payments, foreign exchange taxes and import duties. The company retention amounts negotiated by foreign investors were far above average and signify the extentto which the Ghanaian government was prepared to go to stimulate the industry (Campbell, 2005). This also indicates the extent to which the government was and is prepared to turn a blind eye to companies’ exploitation of the country. Liberalized legislation resulted in an approximate 800-fold growth of the predominantly foreign-controlled gold mining industry in the past 20 years. But this growth has been accompanied by very little change in the quality of life of the Ghanaian people. In 2006 the International Council on Mining and Metals claimed that gold mining has not only ‘kick-started† Ghana’s economy, but that many of the large-scale mining companies are â€Å"committed to [CSR]†. In contrast, Hilson (2007) argues locals’ lives have been worsened by the increased use of land, relocations and environmental dilapidation. Because of the lax policies adopted by the government, the nation’s share of the mineral development profits has been minimal. Despite the 40% contribution of total merchandise export earnings that gold-mining in Ghana represents, the contribution to GDP is only 2-3% (Hilson, 2002). Thus the government lacks fiscal control, and as such cannot redirect funds efficiently towards development projects. The most formal adoption of international policy in Ghana was that of the Global Mining Initiative (GMI) in 1998. Ghanaian mining companies claimed that â€Å"a series of dynamic and innovative community development projects†¦ empowering rural communities and improving quality of life† were to be initiated (Garvin, 2009). But others report that the mines are encroaching on indigenous land, resulting in cultural dislocation, poverty, displacement and environmental damage. Promises of jobs and adequate compensation have been broken. This is evident in the relatively small number of Ghanaians employed by mining companies, a mere 20 000, despite the immensesize of the industry (Garvin, 2009). An interesting response to growing unemployment is the intensification of small-scale, artisanal mining, nicknamed the galamsey. The galamseyhave become an important means for support for many subsistence farmers who have been displaced, but their illegal status has led to them being labelled â€Å"hazardous and environmentally damaging† by the Chamber of Mines (Bush, 2008). There is potential for both large and small scale miners to collaborate, as they have different methods and it is uneconomical for one to do what the other does. This has been proven by Goldfields, who have leased small portions of land to groups of galamsey. Most large-scale gold ines refuse to license their unused land for work, so the galamseyare forced to mine illegally in order to eke out a living. Hilson (2007) accuses the large mining companies of supporting a massive military sweep aimed at eradicating the galamsey, which resulted in human rights violations and many forced removals. Instead of taking advantage of collaborative opportunities major mine operators in Ghana have resorted to the most common CSR endeavours amongst extractive mine companies: the building of schools, clinics and libraries. These CSR projects are still predominantly philanthropic and unsustainable. Garvin (2009) determined, through a series of surveys, that although many locals perceived an increase in social welfare, they reported a decline in security, increased crime, cyanide-poisoned water, and other environmental hazards resulting in a lack of useful agricultural land. Notwithstanding the urgings from the World Bank Industries Review, Departments for International Development, the UN, and limited pressure from the Chamber of Mines, most CSR programmes that go beyond philanthropy emphasize the expansion of existing practices such as pig-rearing, livestock and activities. These give little opportunity for advancement, provide little more than subsistence wages and definitely do not contribute to sustainable economic growth (Hilson, 2007). One of the largest problems with CSR in Ghana, and similarly in SA, is the lack of communication between government, companies and public. Mining companies enter into agreements with the national government, paying royalties of 9%, of which 3% go towards community development (Hilson, 2007). These monies pass through many layers of government and administration, and often very little reach the locals they are meant to compensate. Inhabited land is often designated for mining with little or no consent from the inhabitants. Under the Minerals and Mining Act (2006) mining companies are required to compensate displaced people for their crops and use of land, but these payments are still woefully undervalued (Hilson, 2007). Locals value their land quite differently from the value placed on it by mine employees and the lack of communication only worsens these discrepancies. The regulatory and reporting systems in Ghana are very poor, effectively making the situation for many locals worse than that seen in SA. There have been few legal efforts made to legislate mining activities, thus the improvement of CSR practices is dependent on international legislation, NGOs and pressure groups. Changing the CSR Pyramid There are certain drivers of CSR that are significantly different in developing countries than in developed countries like Europe and the US. Existing models must be adapted to fit the individual needs of developing countries. One such model is Carroll's pyramid, consisting of 4 tiers; economic, legal, ethical and philanthropic responsibilities. draw:frame} {draw:frame} {draw:frame} Figure 1: Pyramid models for CSR drivers (adapted from Visser, 2006) Visser advocates thatto adapt Carroll's pyramid to developing countries, economic responsibilities are given the highest priority, followed by philanthropic, legal and ethical. The economic tier represents the need for businesses to not only ensure that direct foreign investment increases, alleviating poverty and unemployment, but that fu rther investment is generated, goods and services produced and stable infrastructure built. Visser argues that the emphasis on philanthropy is necessary because of the dire situation and poor quality of life in many developing countries thathave become reliant on donor assistance. Philanthropy has become ingrained in developing country CSR. The legal responsibilities are of lower priority because the pressure to adhere to legislation in developing countries is less than in developed countries. In order to elicit response, both nationally and internationally, sustainable indicators must be developed allowing more accurate reporting of CSR successes and failures. Efficient and diverse indicators allow for better sustainable reporting and transparency. These indicators serve two main functions: providing guidelines for company policy and government policy (Danegard, 2005). Increasing the number of indicators increases the scope for surveys or investigations. Data collected from these is usually validated by companies and government, and is, as yet, not mandatory. Although these inquiries may provide useful data, Danegard (2005) suggests that the use of third party verification may be necessary where governments lack the capacity for collection and evaluation. References Biersteker, T. J. , 1990. Reducing the Role of the State in the Economy: A Conceptual Exploration of IMF and World Bank Prescriptions. International Studies Quarterly, 34(4), 477-492. Bush, R. , 2009. ‘Soon there will be no-one left to take the corpses to the morgue’: Accumulation and abjection in Ghana’s mining communities. Resources Policy, 34, 57-63. Campbell, B. , 2005. The Challenges of Development, Mining Codes in Africa and Corporate Responsibility. In International and Comparative Mineral Law and Policy . International Energy and Resources Law & Policy. The Netherlands: Kluwer Law International, pp. 801-822. Dale, M. , 2005. Comparative International and African Mineral Law as Applied in the Formation of the New South African Mineral Development Legislation. In International and Comparative Mineral Law and Policy . International Energy and Resources Law & Policy. The Netherlands: Kluwer Law International, pp. 823-852. Dalupan, M. , 2005. Mining and Sustainable Development: Insights from International Law. In International and Comparative Mineral Law and Policy . International Energy and Resources Law & Policy. The Netherlands: Kluwer Law International, pp. 149-168. Danegard, A. , 2005. Sustainable development indicators for the minerals industry: Who needs them? What stakes justify producing them? In International and Comparative Mineral Law and Policy . The Netherlands: Kluwer Law International, pp. 621-626. Fig, D. , 2005. Manufacturing amnesia: Corporate Social Responsibility in South Africa. International Affairs, 81(3), 599-617. Garvin, T. et al. , 2009. Community-company relations in gold mining in Ghana. Journa of Environmental Management, 90, 571-586. Hamann, R. 2004. Corporate social responsibility, partnerships, and institutional change: The case of mining companies in South Africa. Natural Resources Forum, 28, 278-290. Hamann, R. , 2003. Mining companies’ role in sustainable development: the ‘why’ and ‘how’ of corporate social responsibility from a business perspective. Development Southern Africa, 20(2), 237-254. Hamann, R. , 2009. South Africa: The Role of History, Government, and Local Context. In Global Practices of Corporate Social Responsibility. Berlin: Springer, pp. 435-462. Hamann, R. & Kapelus, P. , 2004. Corporate Social Responsibility in Mining in Southern Africa: Fair accountability or just greenwash? Development, 47(3), 85-92. Hilson, G. , 2007. Championing the Rhetoric? ‘Corporate Social Responsibility’ in Ghana’s Mining Sector. GMI, 53. Hilson, G. , 2002. Harvesting mineral riches: 1000 years of gold mining in Ghana. Resources Policy, 28, 13-26. Littlewood, G. , 2000. The Global Mining Initiative – Address to Mining 2000. Visser, W. , 2005. Corporate Citizenship in South Africa – A Review of Progress since Democracy. JCC, 18, 28-38. Visser, W. , 2006. Corporate Social Responsibility in Developing Countries. pp. 473-499.

Arguments about the critical period hypothesis Free Essay Example, 1750 words

Bley-Vroman, R. (1988). The fundamental character of foreign language learning. In W. Rutherford &M. Sharwood Smith (Eds. ), Grammar and second language teaching: A book of readings (pp. 19-30). In this article the author talks about ten different characteristics of adults who try to learn a second language. One of these characteristics is age and its correlation with the proficiency with which they learn a second language. In this section the author states that it is generally presumed that the proficiency with which an individual can learn a second language is higher during early ages of life. This article will be used in the research to provide an introduction to the argument of critical point hypothesis. Colombo, J. (1982). The critical period concept: Research, methodology, and theoretical concerns. Psychological Bulletin, 91, 260-275. This article is a discussion of the concept of critical period which is marked by the age of an individual starting from his/her birth till he/she reaches adulthood. The article even discusses various researches regarding the concept of critical period along with issues in theorizing the concept and the methodologies used to perform research regarding the topic. We will write a custom essay sample on Arguments about the critical period hypothesis or any topic specifically for you Only $17.96 $11.86/pageorder now This article will be used in the argument to define the concept of critical period and to criticize its use in determining the proficiency that individuals attain while learning a second language. Curtiss, S. (1977). Genie: A psycholinguistic study of a modern day â€Å"wildchild†. New York: Academic Press. This research focuses on a child who lived in captivation and when she was discovered she lack the ability that the children of her age enjoyed. The research even focuses on the critical period hypothesis and the researchers were able to support the critical period hypothesis with the case of Genie. This study will be used to provide example in support of for the case of existence of a critical period which is necessary for the development of children. Flege, J. E., Frieda, A. M., & Nozawa, T. (1997). Amount of native-language (L1) use affects the pronunciation of an L2. Journal of Phonetics, 25, 169-186. The purpose of this study was to identify the impact of use of native language on an individual’s ability to learn a second language. The researchers were able to identify that second language learners are unable to develop nativelike proficiency even after being exposed to a second language for more than 34 years. The study even identified that if an individual is exposed to higher degree of native language, he/she fails in developing the accent of a foreign language.